PAKISTAN’S media is abuzz about Imran Khan’s bid for the chancellorship of Oxford University. The conversations seem to discount his having been chancellor of the University of Bradford in 2005-2014.
It reminds me of a member of my English family asking why so many of my friends went to Oxford or Cambridge. To me it was self-evident that coming from former British colonies, we saw the ultimate goal of our lives as admission to either of these institutions. Oxford and Cambridge were after all key recruitment grounds for the colonial administrators, most notably through the Indian Civil Service (ICS).
That said, the influence of Oxford University extends well beyond Britain’s former empire. And PTI has made the most of the opportunity that elections at a globally recognised university offer to highlight the predicament of its founder.
Critics of the former PM’s nomination raise concerns about his conviction on corruption charges. They draw attention to his stance on the Taliban, and to statements they see as opposed to Western liberal values — particularly on women’s rights — values that these institutions presumably uphold.
While it is the case that the former PM is under trial for various charges, his convictions have either been suspended or overturned by higher courts. A candidate’s ideological leanings may conflict with the ethos of an institution and provide grounds for arguments to dissuade voters; yet a candidate cannot be disqualified solely on the basis of his or her views. The debate around Khan’s nomination is therefore misplaced.
Assuming Khan is elected, will he announce his withdrawal from politics during the chancellor’s term?
A cursory glance at the profiles of the last few chancellors reveals that while all of them were national political figures, none were active in politics at the time of their election. A careful reading of the Council regulations 8, clause (7) (c) further clarifies that “the Chancellor cannot be a serving member of, or a declared candidate for election to, an elected legislature.”
Our pundits should examine whether the former PM meets this criterion. He remains highly active in politics, having declared his candidacy for parliament in this year’s elections with the intention of re-entering parliament and becoming prime minister. Assuming Khan is elected, will he announce his withdrawal from electoral politics during the chancellor’s term, which is 10 years?
If Imran Khan’s nomination is accepted, the next step is to dissect the electorate. Electoral analyses typically rely on outcomes from previous elections. In the last three elections, voting occurred in person in Oxford, involving voters based in Oxford or those who could travel there on the day of the vote. The turnout ranged from 4,000 to 8,000 votes. Notably, only graduates who have had their degrees conferred, along with staff and members of the congregation, are eligible to vote.
The election will be held online this time, with 250,000 eligible voters. The university has yet to disclose how many voters have registered. The shift to online voting has extended the franchise beyond geographical borders, which is territory yet uncharted by any election guru.
Further dissecting the electorate would reveal pockets of support for Imran Khan. As a student in 2002, I had an opportunity to examine the database of Pakistani students at Oxford while assisting the Oxford University Development Office in raising funds for scholarships for Pakistani students. In the first 50 years (1947-1997), fewer than 300 students from Pakistan came to Oxford University. Since then, the annual intake has increased significantly, because of the unwavering dedication of the Lady Noon Educational Trust, and more recently the Oxford Pakistan Programme (OPP), in supporting scholarships for Pakistani students. Over the last 25 years, we have another 300 students who attended Oxford. So we can estimate under 600 Pakistani students since Pakistan’s inception, many of whom are no longer alive or too old to vote online.
The annual intake of British-born Pakistani students is increasing, with a greater focus on undergraduate programmes. Most of them are the second or third generation of Pakistani economic immigrants whose aspiring parents strove to carve out a future for them. They started gaining visibility in dreaming spires only from the early 1990s. The majority are devout Khan supporters. Further research is needed to estimate their numbers.
Oxford University is a quintessentially British institution. Its ties to the British establishment continue to be deep, so British graduates in the UK might be inclined to follow voting patterns from the last few elections, and favour British national figures such as Peter Mandelson and William Hague in this election. Others might favour Lady Elish Angiolini as potentially the first female chancellor. On the other hand, as overseas voters will be voting online for the first time, Khan might be able to galvanise the electorate in countries where cricket is popular, which are Britain’s former colonies. Overseas voters from other countries are yet to be mapped, challenging the predictive powers of even the Oxford University Council.
So instead of getting too overwrought, we should enjoy these occasions, as we did the 2011 election at Cambridge University when Lord Sainsbury was elected chancellor. Sainsbury’s is the second-largest supermarket chain in the UK, and another nominee was the owner of a local British Pakistani grocery shop, leading to the rumour that the election was a contest between two grocers. We should approach such events in the same spirit!
The writer teaches economics at SOAS, University of London, and has been associated with Oxford and Cambridge universities.
nadir.cheema@economics.oxon.org
X: @NadirCheema
Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2024
