SOME months ago, the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) called a jirga in Gwadar. The aim was to highlight the many challenges of Balochistan such as underdevelopment and state excesses, including enforced disappearances.
Then came the reaction. First, the permission to hold the gathering in Gwadar was denied — the infamous NOC — because of ‘law and order’. When the date approached, the roads were blocked as people began travelling to the venue in caravans and BYC volunteers alleged harassment. Travellers were stopped at security check posts and clashes broke out.
According to one story in the international press, the BYC said, a group travelling from Mastung was fired upon while the security forces said one of their own soldiers was killed and 16 others injured. Internet and phone services remained suspended in Gwadar. The BYC claimed its young leaders were also disappeared for a short while. Those of us using social media came across videos in which uniformed people were seen firing at vehicles, though these remain ‘unverified’ in the eyes of the state. What viewers believe or don’t believe is another matter.
Though the protest was called off after a few days, the chief minister later claimed the protesters had been offered a different venue but insisted on Gwadar. Difficult protesters, them. The incident took place in July.
In October, the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement, another grassroots, rights-based movement like the BYC, called a jirga. Their objective, like the Baloch, was to discuss the challenges facing the Pakhtuns, ie, security, violation of constitutional rights and political autonomy.
Then came another reaction. The government banned the group. The Balochistan and KP governments placed the names of PTM activists on the Fourth Schedule. The latter government even issued a notification barring employees and officials from attending the event. The Peshawar High Court also restrained the organisation from holding the jirga and told the police to ensure security.
Despite the differences between the BYC, PTM and PTI, the events show a pattern.
Camps being set up by the PTM were attacked by police, according to reports. The tents were burnt down, tear gas was used, and people arrested. Eventually, three activists died, after which the authorities rushed in to defuse the situation.
As with the BYC jirga, mainstream news channels ignored the event, while the print media covered it sketchily. For those interested and invested in the event, social media was the place to find out what happened.
Unlike, PTM and BYC, the PTI is a mainstream political party which takes part in electoral politics and mainstream politics. But despite its electoral politics, the PTI, like the other two, is also heavily invested in street protests. When it announced its recent march to Islamabad on Nov 24, the reaction was not too dissimilar to what had happened earlier. It was denied permission to hold a gathering, its people were harassed and arrested, before and during the dharna. Roads were blocked and cities besieged. Coverage was limited. Then, the dharna ended in the excessive use of force by the state and deaths of innocent people, which the government is denying, a denial which has about as many believers as the PML-N has voters.
Despite the differences between these three organisations, there is a pattern here. All three are led by charismatic leaders who are perhaps the most popular in the country; few would deny that Mahrang Baloch and Manzoor Pashteen enjoy immense support, even though it remains untested in elections. Imran Khan and his party have established their popularity in elections. All three have emerged as leaders in a rapidly changing society.
Perhaps this is why all three are seen to pose an existential threat to the state or the powers that be. And unlike the PTI, whose mistakes up to Nov 24 are front and centre of any discussion, the treatment meted out to the BYC and PTM jirgas underlines the fact that the state’s reaction might have little to do with how the other protagonist is behaving. If the BYC and PTM jirgas were treated no differently, then how likely is the possibility of the PTI being ‘welcomed’ in Islamabad had it just acted differently or done this or that?
Of course, the three organisations, their emergence and progression are different too. This is not to deny that or to equate their suffering and grievances but to point out that at some level, the status quo within is similarly threatened by any force which symbolises change, a change which is now pushing at the political system to give space and voice to the change at society’s level.
At the same time, it is worth considering why most parties and organisations which are genuinely popular are agitating for their demands and rights outside of parliament. The PTM refuses to take part in politics, for at some level it remembers how parliaments provided legitimacy to military operations (and the treatment meted out to Ali Wazir); the BYC sees the fate of parties and politicians such as Dr Abdul Malik who stuck to the electoral process; and the PTI has been left with little space for political manoeuvring.
The latter won elections and was then deprived of its victory; it went to the tribunals only to have the judges changed; it went to the courts to get its reserved seats and the apex court was changed when the judgment favoured the PTI; and its leaders get bail only to be arrested in another case. When it tried to block the 26th Amendment by talking to political parties, parliamentarians were picked up and forced to vote. Even those who blame the PTI for not forming alliances with political forces, base their argument on the assumption that a broad-based alliance would create more pressure on the streets — even these critics don’t think the solution lies in parliament.
Personally, there is little hope that the present crisis will be resolved anywhere other than on the streets. But the events of last week simply add to the dread that this resolution will not come without consuming more lives. When it does, the responsibility will be one player’s alone.
The writer is a journalist.
Published in Dawn, December 3rd, 2024
